The Defence Commission has proposed that the Swedish Armed Forces once again will be assigned the main task of defending Sweden against an armed attack. Defence against an armed attack has gained more focus since the defence decision 2015 and prior to the upcoming defence decision it is even more emphasized. Are the politics and the Swedish Armed Forces in agreement regarding the meaning and implications of this on basis of contemporary threats?

The overall aim of the study is to understand the interaction between politics and the Swedish Armed Forces in the designing and shaping of the Swedish Armed Forces. This study has a starting point in the prelude to the planned political defence decision 2020 and aims to understand some of this major context. It is focusing on identifying the coherence between the Defence Committee and the Swedish Armed Forces’ military strategic leadership in terms of the meaning of an armed attack being the primary basis of designing and shaping the Swedish Armed Forces. In addition, important factors that have an impact on the interaction between politics and the Swedish Armed Forces are identified.

The empiricism is taken from international law, the military strategic doctrine of the Swedish Armed Forces, reports from the Defence Commission and interviews with members of the Defence Committee and the military strategic leadership of the Swedish Armed Forces.

The results show that there is lack of coherence within the Defence Committee as well as between the Defence Committee and the Swedish Armed Forces regarding the meaning of the proposed main task to the Swedish Armed Forces and how it should relate to other tasks. There is an illusion regarding the definition of an armed attack. In reality it is the government that, under constitutional responsibility, defines an armed attack when there is an act of aggression. In addition, it is identified that it is suitable to mutually improve trust between politics and the Swedish Armed Forces by increasing knowledge of each other's realities.

Many scholars have considered when and why collaboration between government agencies and societal actors occurs. This article argues that a simple but largely overlooked answer to these questions is that a formal legal or administrative requirement to do so is in place. Therefore, the objective is to substantiate whether there are legal requirements to collaborate and in what type of source and context this obligation applies in ten European countries. The main finding is that collaboration is underpinned by an extensive range of legal requirements in Europe, although imposing these requirements is generally not the main objective. © 2019 The Author(s).

Today, the US pursues the global capture of data (understood as a significant engine of growth) by way of bi- and plurilateral trade agreements. However, the project of securing the global free flow of data has been pursued ever since the dawn of digital telecommunication in the 1960s and the US has made significant legal efforts to institutionalise it. These efforts have two phases: In the first 1970s and 80s “freedom of information” phase, the legal justification (and contestation) of the global free flow of data hinged on imagining data as information, and its exchange as a practice of liberty. The second phase began in the late 1990s and continues today. In this phase, the free flow of data is aligned with a free-trade agenda in the context of first e-commerce and, starting in the 2000s, through attempts at creating a global public domain of personal data for the platform economy. The global free flow of data is an intrinsic aspect of informational capitalism. Assuming a constitutive, but not commanding role for law in informational capitalism, we conclude that the US attempt at ensuring free flow for its informational corporations is neither an entirely contingent nor a necessary outcome. It is a product of legal imagination. © 2023, The Author(s).

[No abstract available]

Detta projekt uppmärksammar brottsoffer och etnicitetsfrågor. I fokus står mellanmänskliga tolkningar av etnicitetens betydelse. Syftet är att analysera etnicitetstillskrivningar hos ungdomar som blivit utsatta för rån eller misshandel av andra ungdomar med "annan etnicitet". Projektet utgår från Malmö där både unga män och kvinnor med såväl "icke-svenskt" som "svenskt" ursprung samtalsintervjuas. Både ungdomar som polisanmält det brott de utsatts för och ungdomar som inte gjort någon polisanmälan ingår i studien. I studien diskuteras "etnisk tillhörighet" utifrån hur identiteter (egna och andras) och kategoriseringar aktualiseras, markeras och formeras. Det paper som kommer att presenteras vid Sociologförbundets årsmöteskonferens fokuserar särskilt på hur några "etniskt svenska" unga män, som blivit utsatta för misshandel eller rån av unga män med annan etnisk bakgrund än "svensk", omtalar och behandlar etnicitet i samtal om våld och offerskap. Ett antal olika berättelser om brottet – där etnicitet i någon mening är centralt – analyseras. I den allmänna diskursen kring ungdomsbrott förknippas inte sällan unga män, främlingar och etniska minoritetsgrupper med kriminalitet och rädsla. Det handlar här om varaktiga stereotyper kring relationen etnicitet/brottslighet. Det tycks därför vara angeläget att studera hur unga "svenska" män som utsatts för brott av andra unga män med "annan etnicitet" faktiskt resonerar kring ungdomsbrott. Begrepp som "etnicitet" och "kriminalitet" är mångfacetterade och i detta projekt läggs vikt vid att studera vilka kategoriseringar, förklaringar och identitetstillskrivningar som återges i relation till dessa.

Vi möter i denna uppsats kvinnor som successivt förändrar vår bild av det dubbla straffet, som komplicerar vår uppfattning om ett liv i missbruksberoende och livet på kvinnoanstalt, men som också förenklar föreställningen om den djupa kärleken de hyser för sina barn. Eftersom dessa mödrar har arbetat en hel del med sig själva och tagit sig ur långa perioder av beroende har vi fått känna av den kraft som lösgörs då en människa verkar inom någonting hon brinner för. Att hjälpa andra och att tillåta sig själv att ta emot hjälp har guidat denna berättelse kring människans förmåga att resa sig och gå vidare. Det faktum att kärleken tycks verka sida vid sida med den skuldtyngda problematiken har väckt vårt intresse och diskuteras genom texten som en löpande röd tråd. Genom att låta de individuella känslorna möta sociologiska teorier vidgas perspektivet till en vinkel som berör såväl makro som mikronivå i samhället. Den här uppsatsen försöker förklara sambanden såväl som de inkompatibla rollerna och dess konsekvenser för mödrar i fängelse. Thomas J Scheffs teori om sociala band leder diskussionen och är avgörande för att förstå behovet av hänsynstagande liksom den förödande skammens inverkan på individ och samhälle. Mänsklig mångfald och flerfaldiga verklighetsuppfattningar finner mening i en socialpsykologisk tolkning och analys sprungen ur en innovativ undersökning.

Syftet med denna C-uppsats var att belysa hur anhöriga upplever sin roll i kontakten med psykiatrin till en närstående med diagnosen schizofreni eller schizoaffektivt syndrom. Det undersöks vilka erfarenheter anhöriga har angående att delta i processen kring vårdinsatser för en närstående. Vi hoppas att studien kan bidra till ytterligare sociologisk kunskap inom ämnesområdet för att lyfta anhörigas situation och känsla av utanförskap i relation till vården. Uppsatsen bygger på en kvalitativ intervjustudie där åtta personer har intervjuats över telefon och över Zoom. Genom fem artiklar och en historisk tillbakablick över hur psykiatrin i Sverige har utvecklats så får läsaren en djupare förståelse för hur anhörigas roll relaterat till psykiatrin har utvecklats och ser ut idag. Resultatet redovisas genom att presentera tre teman: Anhörigas kontakt med vårdpersonal, Nutid och Framtid samt Förbättringar gällande anhörigas delaktighet. Vid varje tema sammanfattas intervjusvaren där skillnader och likheter framställs och jämförs med varandra. Det teoretiska ramverket grundar sig på Melvin Seemans alienationsteori samt Birgitta Andersheds teori om delaktighet och används i analysen för att besvara frågeställningarna. Resultatet av den sociologiska analysen visar att anhörigas delaktighet i den närståendes vård förebygger anhörigas upplevelser av maktlöshet, meningslöshet och social isolering i sin vardag och i sin relation till vården. Delaktigheten bidrar även till att anhöriga mår bättre psykiskt och att närstående kan få vård i ett tidigare skede.

Both implementation and sexual crime are two complex fields, and within the Consent Act (samtyckeslagen), the consent part made sexual crimes even more complicated. This examination’s purpose is to investigate and analyze whether street-level bureaucrats, such as investigators, prosecutors, and lawyers experienced a change in their work since the Consent Act came into force and then, based on the personal governing characteristic, investigate what conditions they feel they have, to be able to implement the law. The essay examines this by doing semi-structured conversational interviews with all the professional groups.

The study shows that the street-level bureaucrats have experienced a change in their work since the Consent Act came into force, where the most significant change is that a greater number of people report the crime and that more cases are assessed where there is a possible crime. Furthermore, there are both opportunities and challenges in all subcategories (knowledge, resource, method, influence, and ability to act) for one of the professional groups, if not several, in implementing the law. Both in the context of their work, such as the fact that the lawyers and the investigator believe that they lack knowledge and that the prosecutor has sufficient knowledge through the work, but also conditions that lie outside of their work, such as what role the plaintiff and suspect may have in the work of street-level bureaucrats.

Syftet med studien är att skapa en bredare förståelse om hur den svenska lagstiftningen inomkönsdiskriminering med fokus på anställning och graviditet fungerar och vilka effekter lagenger. Vår studie riktar sig till de som intresserar sig för rättssociologi och arbetsrätt och viundersöker även hur den svenska lagstiftningen tillsammans med EU-rätten tillämpas rättsligt. Vi fokuserar på frågeställningar som berör EU-rättens användning i Arbetsdomstolen,skillnader mellan jämställdhetslagens och diskrimineringslagens tillämpning samtdiskrimineringslagens effekter. Metoderna som används i studien är en innehållsanalys av åtta fall i Arbetsdomstolen samt tresemi-strukturerade intervjuer med respondenter från Diskrimineringsombudsmannen,arbetstagarorganisation och arbetsgivarorganisation. Vårt resultat visar på att EU-rätten har en stor inverkan på svenska domar och att användningenav EU-rättskällor var vanligare i samband med jämställdhetslagen innan lagförändringen 2009.Resultatet visar även på att trots förändringen i lagstiftningen 2009 gällande den ekonomiskaersättningen som var tänkt att generera högre ersättning vid diskriminering så har det inte skettnågon märkbar skillnad i fallen.

Corona – a challenge for legal policySociety is challenged by a virus that threatens humanity, calling for intervention in private spheres that belongs to different policy areas. As a result, the regulation becomes like a patchwork quilt without normative consistency. The regulation is ad hoc. Sweden has initially relied on influencing people’s behavior through norm creation and not legislation, partly being forced to since the constitution does not leave room for exemption laws in the same way as other countries. When it comes to formulating policy, the expert authority, Public Health Agency, has a central role. Democracy is replaced by meritocracy. Legality presupposes legitimacy in order to function. This is a balancing act between formal and substantive legal certainty. As a general conclusion, legal regulation is most effective when legality and legitimacy flow together. However, where these meeting points can be found in practice varies with the nature of the problem.

Society is challenged by a virus that threatens humanity, which calls for intervention in private spheres belonging to different policy areas. As a result, the regulation becomes like a patchwork quilt without normative consistency. The regulation is ad hoc. Sweden has initially relied on influencing people’s behavior through norm creation and not legislation, partly being forced to since the constitution does not leave room for exemption laws in the same way as other countries. When it comes to formulating policy, the expert authority, Public Health Agency, has a central role. Democracy is replaced by meritocracy. Legality presupposes legitimacy in order to function. This is a balancing act between formal and substantive legal certainty. As a general conclusion, legal regulation is most effective when legality and legitimacy flow together. However, where these meeting points can be found in practice varies with the nature of the problem.

Our purpose as a homage to Reza Banakar is to invite the reader on a journey across the academic field that is the Sociology of Law (SoL), one which he to a large extent himself has shaped. Like his scholarship, the journey covers a vast terrain. To do justice to his significance for the development of the field, the volume is divided into six separate sections, each with its own individual chapters. This Introduction lays out in brief the purpose and content of each section as well as a summary of the various chapters. The presentation is made in a discursive style but for the benefit of the reader each section also lists the authors and the title of their chapters.

Interest in norms has been rising in the last twenty-five years in real life as well as in the sciences (Hydén 2011). One question, which never is raised, is: where do norms come from? One reason for this is that the answer is not straightforward. It is hard to find a common denominator. We generally do not think much about norms because most of the time we take them for granted. One possible answer is that we become aware of the norms that guide our behavior primarily in times of sudden or radical change. In these situations, we become conscious about our norms because they are challenged and may need to be revised to deal with the new circumstances. I argue that norms arise out of normativity, something which can be seen as the core of various systems, social, economic, bureaucratic or legal. As actors we participate in these systems and take our leads from what they demand of us. For example, a civil servant becomes a “bureaucrat” because his behaviour is extensively shaped by being an employee of a hierarchical organization. A similar socialization occurs when we participate in the marketplace: its structures encourage us to become optimisers of our own interest.

 This chapter will explore further the relation between norm and normativity. The ambition is to define the concept normativity from a socio-legal point of view and argumentative underpin the claim that normativity constitute the core of norm systems from which norms can be derived. The chapter begins with an overview of the various types of norms that are especially important in shaping our life and who we are. The bulk of the article is devoted to the concept of normativity and how it can be best applied in socio-legal studies.

What are the similarities between pornography and climate change? The answer given by Max Waltman in a book about pornography is that both represent major problems of our times that society must intervene against. Both relate to social dominance and multiply disadvantaged groups that will necessitate political and legal challenges in the future. Waltman claims that in light of the need for efficient and effective policy responses, the insights from a study of legal challenges to pornography might gain. He has conducted such a study providing empirical evidence of legal challenges undertaken in three diverse democracies. His message is that we need to grant real, substantial, and effective legal power to members of those groups most affected if the harms of pornography are to be successfully addressed. The book is unique being a politico-legal study. It is of relevance for lawyers, socio-legal scholars as well as for political scientists.

This book proposes the study of norms as a method of explaining human choice and behaviour by introducing a new scientific perspective.

The science of norms may here be broadly understood as a social science which includes elements from both the behavioural and legal sciences. It is given that a science of norms is not normative in the sense of prescribing what is right or wrong in various situations. Compared with legal science, sociology of law has an interest in the operational side of legal rules and regulation. This book develops a synthesizing social science approach to better understand societal development in the wake of the increasingly significant digital technology. The underlying idea is that norms as expectations today are not primarily related to social expectations emanating from human interactions but come from systems that mankind has created for fulfilling its needs. Today the economy, via the market, and technology via digitization, generate stronger and more frequent expectations than the social system.

By expanding the sociological understanding of norms, the book makes comparisons between different parts of society possible and creates a more holistic understanding of contemporary society. The book will be of interest to academics and researchers in the areas of sociology of law, legal theory, philosophy of law, sociology and social psychology.

© 2022 Informa UK Limited

The Sociology of Law (SoL) is an island of investigation squeezed between two large academic territories: the legal and the social sciences. They represent different knowledge interests based on separate ontologies, which make the epistemologies incommensurable. Law is an open normative science using interpretative, deductive methodology, while sociology has an empirical ontology built on social science methodologies in epistemological respect. The theoretical discourse to try to integrate legal dogmatic and sociology must be regarded as a dead end (Banakar, 2003; Cotterrell, 2006; Nelken, 2009, chs. 10 and 11).). The same can be said about the inside/outside dichotomy in SoL (Banakar, 2002, p. 18). SoL has a territory of its own, which is huge and to a large extent undetected and unknown. The purpose of this article is to investigate this varied landscape that is the home turf of Sociology of Law and explore the Field's contribution to knowledge. What makes it a separate entity? What is its potential?

This open access book pays homage to Reza Banakar, who passed away in August 2020, exploring the many different areas of socio-legal research that he worked on and influenced. It begins with a summary of his career and explains how he sparked a debate on the identity and aims of legal sociology.

The book is then split into 5 sections:

- Theory, including chapters on normativity and the stepchild controversy;- Methods and interdisciplinarity, illustrating how Banakar encouraged socio-legal scholars to push the boundaries of existing socio-legal knowledge through interdisciplinary imagination and methodological flexibility;- Legal culture, with particular focus on Iran - 2 areas of special interest for Banakar;- Law and science, covering topics such as human rights, the right to life, and the COVID-19 pandemic; and- Applied sociology of law, inspired by Banakar's engagement with empirical research and case studies.

As well as honouring Reza Banakar's memory and unique thinking, the book aims to advance the sociology of law by demonstrating the interconnectedness of the legal and the social from a broad range of perspectives.

This IRIS Special focuses on the independence of regulatory authorities and bodies in the broadcasting and audiovisual media sector in Europe. These entities have proliferated according to the different legal traditions of the respective countries they belong to. They do not, therefore, conform one, single model. Nonetheless, they reflect a common approach of sorts with regard to the institutional set-up of regulatory governance. The independence of these entities is particularly important because it contributes to the broader objective of media independence, which is in itself an essential component of democracy.

The creation, status and functioning of these regulatory authorities and bodies were shaped pursuant to the constitutional requirements and/or administrative practices of the countries that established them. As a result, each has distinct characteristics and levels of independence that differ according to where they are located. But when is an authority to be considered independent? The measurement of an entity's independence requires careful analysis of the legal texts setting it up, but also of the practices that are rooted in reality and reflect the sensitivities of the societies in question.

This IRIS Special aims to enlighten the reader on the definition of the independence of a regulatory authority or body, on the criteria used to assess its independence, and on the legal framework embodying this independence at the European level, as well as provide analysis of the status and functioning of regulatory authorities and bodies in a selection of nine European countries: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Spain, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, Sweden, and Slovenia. This sample reflects the different levels of independence that can be found across Europe. © European Audiovisual Observatory (Council of Europe), Strasbourg, September 2019

The digitalization of society has contributed to a more convenient lifestyle for the Swedishpopulation. Our everyday life includes digital technology that saves information about us and our actions from digital devices. Collected digital information can be admissible as evidence in a legal process. Despite the increase in crimes involving IT, Sweden seems to lack an official description for the concept of digital evidence. The purpose of this report is to propound two definitions: one for the general public and one more suitable for specific technical usage by people in the field.

This report focuses on three different areas which together contribute to a holistic approach to gaining the basic knowledge and understanding of what digital evidence is. These areas include the value of digital evidence in a court decision, how anti-computer forensics can affect its extraction, and the legitimacy of digital evidence.

To explore the various areas, employees within the police authority have answered questions based on their professional roles. The participants work as either investigators, preliminary investigation leaders, IT-computer forensic scientists, or prosecutors. The participants' answers have, together with literature, contributed to the definition of the concept of digital evidence and to the creation of a basic understanding of the subject of digital evidence.

Heat pumps cause noise, and in urban areas this can lead to complaints from the neighbors. Disturbing noise can affect human health adversely by causing sleep disturbances and difficulties to concentrate. Miljöbalken states that the one who installs a heat pump on his or her land is responsible for the noise that it generates. Naturvårdsverket has issued benchmarks that will serve as guidelines for noise measurements, when a suspicion of risks for human health is. Municipalities may also adopt limits in local regulations. Noise measurements are often done on the property line but a judgment of a precedent case from 2012 concludes that the measurements should be done at the facade and patio.  A survey was mailed to 221 companies that installed heat pumps. The responses showed a divided opinion on the question of how frequently the companies felt that the problems of noise complaints occurred. Most companies often discussed noise reduction measures with their customers in connection to the installation of the heat pump. However, it was far from all, though many, who used the existing regulations and guidelines in their counseling with the customers. Few companies used the benchmarks from Naturvårdsverket. The indistinct way to apply Naturvårdsverkets benchmarks that is shown in the summed cases in this report can make it difficult for the companies to use these in consultation with their customers.

In this paper, we argue that the legitimation of killing in war is not simply formed by adherence to certainlegal requirements that exist apart from and prior to war; instead, we suggest, the law of armed conflict initself cannot but operate through admitting certain materials onto the battlefield as distinctively legalmaterials. Using the theory of legal materiality, we show that the military uniform is a legal material thatmakes the legal matter of legitimate targeting intelligible to law. This process happens through the waysin which the uniform shapes the possibility of visual recognition and differentiation in order to makecertain bodies targetable and others not targetable. We refer to this visual recognition and differentiationas a domain of persuasion. We show that the historical, functional and visual attributes of the uniform, asa design artefact, produce a convincing domain of distinction for the attacking agent. Finally, we turn toinsurgency, arguing that the legal matter of targeting is shaped not only by the presence, use andmanipulation of this legal material but also by the absence of it.

This research report presents empirical findings from an ethnographic study of the role of informal social norms in reducing corruption in public and private schools in Hanoi. The study begins by building a theoretical framework that inculcates the significance of local informal social norms in analysing/understanding corruption and designing counteraction strategies, especially at the sub-national or local level. After a two-month ethnographic study in Hanoi, a rich stock of ethnographic data was collected through observations and informal interviews. The informal social norm and practices found in various public and private schools in Hanoi included parents’ payment of teachers for extra classes to ensure better school results for their children, showing gratitude and respect to teachers by providing them with gifts on 5-6 occasions per school year, and parents’ contribution of money towards the provision of equipment in school classrooms. Our findings suggest that within the context of the school system, these informal norms persist as pragmatic responses to the weaknesses in the country’s educational system. Consequently, they are not in themselves dysfunctional or corrupt, and are widely accepted as the "normal things to do". Notwithstanding, some of the parents and teachers also admitted that these informal norms and practices sometimes result in unequal and discriminatory treatment of students whose parents cannot afford to conform to them. Consequently, they sometimes become dysfunctional and/or corrupt practices that hinder the quality of education. Hence, from a collective action perspective, we argue that efforts to reduce the levels of corruption resulting from the dysfunctional aspects of these informal norms and practices must acknowledge them as institutionalised social practices that are part and parcel of everyday life. Therefore, anti-corruption interventions must not focus on eradicating/suppressing these informal social norms entirely, as this might threaten social fabrics. Instead, anti-corruption interventions should actively engage teachers, parents and school administrators in reforming the dysfunctional aspects into functional norms and practices in line with educational quality. 

In recent decades, modern (Western) law’s anthropocentric nature has been increasingly questioned from at least two contemporary scholarly fields: ‘science and technology’ and ‘nature and animal rights’. In this paper, we intend to explore the potential for the discipline of sociology of law to contribute to the ongoing discussion in animal-focused legal scholarship on the need for a more-than-human perspective on law. At first glance, there is no evidence that such a potential exists. However, Irus Braverman, professor of law at the University at Buffalo, argues that there is indeed a need for more-than-human legalities and that socio-legal scholarship could greatly benefit from a serious consideration of non-human. The challenge of such a shift should not be underestimated. Traditionally, the discipline of sociology has been as human-centred as the discipline of law. A commonly used definition of sociology as a scientific discipline is that it represents the study of human behaviour and societies. Thus, taking a turn towards a non-anthropocentric approach to law would be somewhat of a paradigm shift, including for the sociology of law. 

Problemformulering: “Hur har GDPR påverkat mäklaryrket?”

Syfte: Beskriva och förklara hur en fastighetsmäklares arbete har påverkats efter införandet av GDPR och att redogöra för mäklarnas kunskap om GDPR.

Metod: I denna studie användes en abduktiv forskningsansats. Vidare har en kvalitativ studie genomförts där vi har intervjuat åtta fastighetsmäklare. Litteraturstudien genomfördes genom att samla in teorier från tidigare forskningsstudier.

Slutsats: Slutsatsen som kan dras i denna studie är att GDPR inte har påverkat en fastighetsmäklares arbete avsevärt. Vidare upplevs GDPR vara för tolkningsbar för att kunna behandlas likvärdigt. Den påtagliga förändringen som skedde låg hos huvudkontoren. Avvikandet från GDPR är inget som uppmärksammas hos omvärlden och därför har inte mäklarna märkbart behövt anpassa sig efter GDPR för att framstå legitima.

This policy brief looks into the role of social norms to fight corruption in the school system in the Cau Giay district in Hanoi. An ongoing research project has conducted multiple ethnographic field studies in schools and included parents, teachers, and other school personnel in the research data. Their experiences and reflections are the core of this brief. The results show the existence of informal transactions to ensure good care and schools results backed up on social norms such as the celebration of national holidays throughout the school year, but also exist on an everyday basis with the practices of home teaching, and the recruitment of new teachers to schools. By applying a socio-legal anti-corruption perspective to the findings, we suggest a list of actions that could be implemented by local school administrators and headmasters to ensure that no child experiences corruption nor the impact of corruption on his/her schooling.

In 2008, the Swedish legislature removed any references to race and racial difference,formalizing a post-racial discourse. This has resulted in both the near impossibility ofproving discrimination based on racialized difference, and a formal denial of racial dis-crimination as a social and structural problem. This article attempts to circumscribethese difficulties by suggesting an approach for tracing structural racism in Swedishpolicing. We argue that a claim of structural racism in policing cannot be studied bycounting self-proclaimed racist officers or through individual experiences, for race is astructure in and of itself. Instead, we claim that structural racism can methodologicallybe studied through a combined reading of relevant (a) laws, (b) practices, and (c) tech-nologies of policing, since these habitually produce racialized outcomes even in theabsence of direct references to race or ethnicity. Reflecting this tripartite approach tothe study of structural racism, we analyze data gathered from these three specificsites. We argue that developments in criminal policies and policing practices reproduceand reinforce structural racism as part of the wider penal structure, leading to a repro-duction of the targets of punitive policies and police control in the intersection of class,place, race, and ethnicity.

Denna studie syftar till att undersöka hur miljötillsynsarbetet fungerar i de regioner som har direkt tillverkning av plastpellets, samt de som använder plastpellets som insatsvara vid produktion i Sverige. Studien undersöker också hur krav och miljötillsyn kan förhindra eventuella utsläpp av plastpellets och om uppfattningarna gällande dagens miljötillsynsarbete i Sverige skiljer sig åt mellan verksamheter och tillsynsmyndigheter. Resultaten samlades in genom två enkäter, en anpassad till verksamheter och en anpassad till tillsynsmyndigheter, samt genom två intervjuer. Enkäterna hade 18 respondenter från myndigheter och 20 respondenter från verksamheter. De två intervjuerna inkluderande plastbranschen och den tillsynsvägledande myndigheten. De kvantifierbara frågorna analyserades genom t-test och regressionsanalyser och de kvalitativa frågorna analyserades genom innehållsanalyser. Enligt studiens respondenter kan mer och likartad miljötillsyn, bra kommunikation och tydliga regelverk minska utsläpp av plastpellets. Det framkom även att en blandning av reglerande tillsyn och verksamheters frivilliga åtaganden är det som både myndigheter och verksamheter tror fungerar bäst för att förhindra utsläpp av plastpellets. Mer frekventa miljötillsynsbesök uppskattades av verksamheter, medan myndigheter inte hade sådana statistiska samband. Studien bekräftar att det finns olika uppfattningar kring miljötillsyn mellan verksamheter och tillsynsmyndigheter, men att frågan är komplex och kräver ytterligare forskning.

This chapter explores logistics of participation as a backstage practice of international law’s knowledge production. For its purpose logistics of participation refers to material conditions of possibility of part taking. Taking essay as its form this chapter ties together seemingly dispersed threads in order to reveal how and through what practices scholars of the South are overburdened to participate and as the result the western academia retains its hegemonic presence in knowledge production of international law. The main focus of this chapter is the global visa regime as the most materially tangible technology of impeding the participation of scholars of the South in the scholarly events of international law. It will be argued that the visa regime, alongside other factors, determines the composition of international law events, limits diversity of expressions and experiences and subsequently shape international law by delimiting the scoop of the thinkable in this academic discipline.

This book is about how distinctions are drawn between civilians and combatants in modern warfare and how the legal principle of distinction depends on the technical means through which combatants make themselves visibly distinguishable from civilians.

The author demonstrates that technologies of visualisation have always been part of the operation of the principle of distinction, arguing that the military uniform sustained the legal categories of civilian and combatant and actively set the boundaries of permissible and prohibited targeting, and so legal and illegal killing. Drawing upon insights from the theory of legal materiality, visual studies, critical fashion studies, and a dozen of military manuals he shows that far from being passive objects of regulation, these technologies help to draw the boundaries of the legitimate target.

With its attention to the co-productive relationship between law, technologies of visualisation and legitimation of violence, this book will be relevant to a large community of researchers in international law, international relations, critical military studies, contemporary counterinsurgency operations and the sociology of law. © 2024 Amin Parsa.

Legal tech is growing, and its growth provokes anxieties about the future of the legal profession as such. In this article, we examine the impact of legal tech on the central role of lawyers at law firms in crafting an imagined ‘right legal answer’ by drawing on Duncan Kennedy’s suggestion that a claim to the rightness of one’s legal propositions is a central characteristic of the legal profession. We first ask how changes in the organisation of legal services affect the ability of lawyers at law firms to produce that ‘right legal answer’. While legal tech only exacerbates already ongoing processes of eradication of routine tasks, we find that it continues to mask the role of ideology in arriving at a right legal answer under a new layer of technological projection. Second, we ask how lawyers’ ability to produce ‘the right legal answer’ is affected by, first, expert systems and, second, a legal tech application named Bryter, representing a no-code system. We find that expert systems do not permit to uphold the unity of the lawyer required for Kennedy’s model of the right legal answer, but that no-code systems as Bryter do so. No-code systems can be reduced to a slogan: Have the lawyer, but evict her ideological temptations more efficiently than before!© 2023, The Author(s).

The relation of law and art is conventionally understood through a disciplinary divide that presents art as an instrument of legal practice and scholarship or, alternatively, presents law as potential context for artistic engagement. Moving beyond disciplinary definitions, in this article we explore how art and law, as modes of ordering and action in the world, often overlap in their respective desires to engage existing material orders. Whereas law’s claim of producing order appears self-evident, we try to highlight, through a concept of legislative arts, the often-overlooked similar function of artistic practices. At the heart of what we refer to as legislative arts are practices that aim to challenge law’s claim of authority in ordering social life through tactical combinations of elements of art and law. In examining a set of examples that include the Tamms Year Ten campaign to close a super-max prison in the United States, the work of Forensic Architecture and practices of passport forgery, we aim to highlight the possibility of manifesting social orders beyond an exclusive reliance upon state laws. Pointing to the potentials of such legislative arts practices, this article suggests that the material ordering quality of artistic and legal practices can, and perhaps should, be weaponized for challenging and remaking the world of unjust state laws. © 2022 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.

The article treats the law concerning legal aid adopted 1973 and its 1997 reform. It evaluates them based on Ronald Dworkin’s distinction between fundamental- and secondary utilities and two of Åke Frändberg’s legal security categories – equality before the law and access to justice. The analysis shows that while the 1997 legislation is founded on economic efficiency, the law from 1973 hinges on legal security for all. The result finds that the reform view legal aid as a secondary utility, while the law from 1973 express it as a fundamental utility. Thus, the view of legal aid changed: what was seen as a right, like the right to vote, is perceived in 1997 as the state’s ‘gift’. According to Frändberg’s categories we can conclude that the reform represents a weakening of access to justice and equality before the law. This implies discrimination against certain groups who, due to insufficient resources, will encounter difficulties in asserting their rights.

The purpose of this dissertation is to construct an historical account of the emergence, establishment, and expansion of fear of crime research in Sweden. This dissertation aims to answer questions about the function, spread, and high level of institutional engagement of fear of crime research by analyzing the literature and examining the methodological, theoretical, and epistemological origins of fear of crime research itself. What happened when fear of crime was translated as "otrygghet", a word with a previously established meaning in Swedish? The analysis on the emergence of fear of crime in Sweden is based on documents, a survey of Swedish municipalities, and key informant interviews. The question of conceptual change is addressed through comparing how "otrygghet" is used by Socialdemokraterna and Moderaterna in motions and bills from the Swedish Riksdag across five time periods: 1978, 1988, 1998, 2008 and 2018. The dissertation is theoretically inspired by a Foucauldian interest in the intersection of power and knowledge and by an interest in historicizing the sociological and criminological development that this thesis depicts, using the work of Stuart Hall. The analysis of conceptual change is inspired by the conceptual historian Reinhart Koselleck. The results show a rapid and striking expansion of fear of crime measurements during the 2000s. From 2003 to 2007, the number of national surveys containing fear of crime indicators grew from one to six, to include The Survey of Living Conditions that premiered in 1978, the Local Youth Politics Survey in 2003, The National Public Health survey in 2004, The Citizen Survey in 2005, The Swedish Crime Survey in 2006, and The Swedish Contingencies Agency Survey in 2007. For the municipalities, the period with the most dramatic increase in fear of crime measurements happens in the 2010’s, The percentage of municipalities that don’t do fear of crime surveys decreases from 98 percent before 1995, to 94 percent in 1995–1999, 74 percent in 2000–2004, 51 percent in 2005–2009, 30 percent in 2010–2014 and only 16 percent durign the last examined period, 2015–2018. The analysis also shows that the meaning of "otrygghet" has undergone significant changes. From being used as a descriptive term commonly signifying economic and materialist unpredictability, over time "otrygghet" has come to be used almost exclusively in a crime context. The concept is exclusively used to argue for increased measures of police control and judicial expansion during the last examined period of 2018. This dissertation argues that the development and expansion of fear of crime research can be understood by examining the function that fear of crime research fulfils in legitimizing an increased level of state control, which makes it a good fit for the penal politics of late modernity.

Syftet med denna studie är att genomföra en diskursanalys av tingsrättsdomar för att undersöka hur subjektpositionerna barn, mamma och pappa konstrueras och representeras i rättsliga texter vid vårdnadstvister, samt att analysera vilka konsekvenser detta har för de inblandade parterna. Studien avser även att belysa hur dessa subjektpositioner kan förstärka eller utmana traditionella könsroller och maktstrukturer inom tingsrätten. Målet är att besvara följande forskningsfrågor: Hur konstrueras subjektpositionerna barn, mamma och pappa i tingsrättens domar vid vårdnadstvister? Vilka sociala konsekvenser uppstår från de underliggande normer och värderingar som formar dessa subjektpositioner?

Studien genomförs med en kvalitativ metod, baserad på en dokumentstudie med diskursanalytisk grund för analysen. Materialet omfattar totalt nittio domar från en tingsrätt i södra Sverige. Analysen inleds med en kodningsprocess för att identifiera mönster i domarna, vilka sedan analyseras med hjälp av Ernesto Laclaus och Chantal Mouffes diskursteori samt Judith Butlers teorier om genus och identitet.

Resultaten visar att tingsrätten konstruerar subjektpositioner för barn, mammor och pappor på ett sätt som återspeglar och förstärker traditionella könsnormer och maktstrukturer. Barn tillskrivs ofta en passiv och underordnad roll, präglad av sårbarhet och, i sällsynta fall, mognad. Mammor förväntas vara den primära vårdnadshavaren, med betoning på deras omsorgsförmåga där rollen som den lämpliga eller olämpliga mamman framträder. De kan även tillskrivas rollen som den våldsutsatta mamman. Pappor bedöms som lämpliga baserat på deras ekonomiska resurser och tillskrivs oftare våldsamt beteende än mammor, vilket förknippas med att vara en olämplig förälder. Studien belyser också att dessa stereotypa framställningar kan ha betydande konsekvenser för hur barn, mammor och pappor behandlas i vårdnadstvister.

Hedersrelaterat våld är ett återkommande tema i den offentliga debatten i Sverige. För rege-ringens del är det framför allt förebyggande arbete, stöd- och skyddsåtgärder till personer som utsätts samt straffrättsliga skärpningar som kommit att diskuteras. Artikelns författare argumenterar för att den kollektivistiska dimension som präglar och särskiljer hedersvåld från annat våld i nära relationer måste bli väsentligen mer uppmärksammad och att professioner vilka kommer i kontakt med personer där sådant våld kan misstänkas behöver öka sin förståelse för ärendets komplexitet så att adekvata skydds- och stödåt-gärder kan sättas in för utsatta. I anslutning till det vill vi även åskådliggöra hur vissa gärningspersoner eller utövare av kollektiva handlingar med hedersmotiv, särskilt yngre pojkar, samtidigt även är offer, med långtgående konsekvenser för flera av dem. En annan fråga artikeln söker besvara är hur gärningsperso-nerna själva diskuterar sina gärningar. Genom intervjuer med personer som dömts för brott som tolkats vara hedersrelaterade och en systematisk genomgång av det material som låg till grund för deras domar har vi sökt att lyfta fram den kollektivistiska prägel dessa brott har. 

Problemformulering: Hur arbetar bankerna med interna processer för attförhålla sig till Finansinspektionens krav kring penningtvätt och samtidigtupprätthålla en god kundrelation?

Syfte: Syftet med denna studie är att förklara hur bankerna arbetar medinterna processer för att följa Finansinspektionens krav gällande penningtvättoch samtidigt upprätthålla en god kundrelation, att kunderna kännerförtroende och lojalitet till banken. Detta för att skapa en bredare och djupareförståelse för hur bankerna arbetar med interna processer för att behållarelationen till både Finansinspektionen och till bankens kunder. Trotts dethuvudsakliga motsatsförhållandet mellan Finansinspektionens krav ochbankens affärer med kunderna.

Metod: Studien har genomförts via en kvalitativ studie på tre olika bankervarav tre respondenter på varje bank. Studien har totalt genomfört niointervjuer. Uppsatsen har genomförts med en abduktiv forskningsansats föratt klargöra resultatet.

Slutsats: Författarna till studien har funnit att bankernas interna processerutifrån Finansinspektionens krav och samtidigt upprätthålla en godkundrelation arbetas fram genom att ha en kommunikation mellanavdelningarna och ut mot kund. Studien har även funnit en ny empiriskobservation utifrån agentteorin, att avdelningarna på banken både kan varaprincipal och agent samt att dem ska kommunicera med varandra för attminska det huvudsakliga motsatsförhållandet. Detta bidrar till att bankernaföljer Finansinspektionens krav och samtidigt upprätthåller en godkundrelation. Banken har vissa interna processer som kan påverkas och vissainterna processer som inte kan påverkas. Det orsakar att det är svårt förbanken att sätta exakta interna processer då penningtvättsregelverket ärföränderligt och banken arbetar med människor

Abstract

Nationell kriminalstatistik tyder på att ungdomar är den mest brottsaktiva åldersgruppen i samhället. Ett förhållande som främst gäller pojkar och unga män, även om brottsligheten ökar något bland flickor och unga kvinnor. Eftersom ungdomar är samhällets framtid är det viktigt att vetenskapligt utrymme skapas och belyser de förebyggande insatser som kan göras för uppkomsten och fortskridningen av ungdomskriminalitet. Med anledning av detta har vi gjort en studie inriktad på Laholms kommun och vilka samhälleliga risker som kan ligga till grund för kriminalitet bland unga.

Studien baseras på kvalitativa intervjuer med personer inom olika sociala verksamheter i Laholms kommun som berör ungdomar och kriminalitet på ett eller annat sätt, samt ungdomar i åldrarna 15-20.

Utifrån analys av sociologiska och kriminologiska teorier av bland annat Zygmunt Bauman, Pierre Bourdieu, Erwing Goffman och Jerzy Sarnecki lyfter vi fram olika eventuella bidragande samhällsrisker i Laholms kommun så som arbetslöshet, konsumtion, fritid och sysselsättning, avsaknaden av grupptillhörighet och avvikelse.

Nyckelord: Ungdomskriminalitet, Laholms kommun, förebyggande arbete, arbetslöshet, avvikelse

Syftet med föreliggande studie är att undersöka hur intagna ser på framtiden som för närvarande behandlas inom kriminalvården. Undersökningens utgångspunkt är ett kvalitativt tillvägagångssätt med en halvstrukturerad intervjuguide, där urvalet omfattade tre interner och fyra anställda på fängelset. Resultatet visade att internerna har en positiv framtidssyn med planer på att studerar och arbeta efter frigivningen. För närvarande behandlas internerna med 12-­stegsprogrammet. Det fanns en tvådelad åsikt bland internerna om huruvida de saknade det gamla kriminella livet.  Två av internerna saknade det gamla livet, men den tredje gjorde inte det. Det viktigaste stöd har dem funnit hos sina kvinnliga anhöriga så som mödrar, döttrar och partners.

Rätten att uttrycka åsikter, att kritisera och att ifrågasätta är en del av en levande demokrati. Ett demokratiskt samhälle måste vara öppet för olika röster och ge alla möjlighet att komma till tals. Demokratin är beroende av att människor deltar och engagerar sig i samhällsfrågor. Med rätten till yttrandefrihet kommer också ett ansvar. Var och en bör skydda, värna och bevara yttrandefriheten genom att respektera andra och bidra till en samhällsdebatt fri från hot och hat. Tystas människor tystnar demokratin. Den digitala utvecklingen gör det möjligt för fler att göra sin röst hörd. Det är positivt men för också med sig utmaningar. Att föra fram och sprida hot och hat har blivit enklare. Uttalanden kan få snabb spridning i sociala medier och på så sätt få större genomslagskraft i dag än tidigare. Det kan missbrukas av personer som inte vill bevara det demokratiska samhället. Personer som engagerar sig i samhällsfrågor är särskilt utsatta för hot och hat. Det gäller till exempel förtroendevalda, journalister, konstnärer, opinionsbildare, forskare och representanter för det civila samhället. Utsatthet kan också vara kopplat till exempelvis en persons kön, könsidentitet, hudfärg, sexuella läggning eller ålder. När kvinnor och hbtqi-personer får hot och hat riktat mot sig har det ofta att göra med kön och sexualitet. På uppdrag av Brottsoffermyndigheten har forskare vid Lunds universitet och Högskolan i Halmstad genomfört en enkätundersökning som visade att mer än hälften av de tillfrågade har känt sig kränkta av sådant som andra skriver om dem på nätet. Särskilt utsatta är unga och personer med utländsk bakgrund, och följden blir omfattande nivåer av självcensur bland dessa grupper. Det innebär att de anpassar hur de uttrycker sig för att undvika hot och hat, eller helt avstår från att publicera och delta i samhällsdebatten. Det demokratiska samtalet begränsas och viktiga röster riskerar att tystna. Även denna kunskapsöversikt är ett resultat av samarbetet mellan Brottsoffermyndigheten, Lunds universitet och Högskolan i Halmstad. Den belyser olika frågor om näthat och demokratiskt deltagande, såsom vilka områden som genererar hot och hat, vilka samhälls- och yrkesgrupper som är särskilt utsatta och vilka konsekvenser näthat leder till. Genom att uppmärksamma frågan om hot och hat på internet vill Brottsoffermyndigheten belysa vilka konsekvenser det kan få för vår demokrati. Myndigheten vill också synliggöra de personer som utsätts för näthat och bidra till en levande samhällsdebatt. 

This systematic literature review investigates the extent to which recent anti-corruption literature goes beyond the established paradigms (i.e., principal-agent perspective, macro-level, structural, and legal centralistic approaches) to focus on society’s informal norms, everyday micro-level power relations and non-monetary currencies (e.g. respect, prestige, social status and trust). By reconceptualising the various meanings and morality of informal, non-legal practices and transactions in the frame of the ’multi-level orders of corruption’ perspective, the paper also assesses the extent to which the current canon focuses on the complex articulation and interdependencies between (1) global, transnational anti-corruption laws, initiatives, discourses, and institutions, (2) national/central level initiatives, policies, and laws, and (3) local, micro-level social norms and practices. Based on one-hundred and three systematically gathered peer-reviewed journal articles published between 2015 and 2020, we found that most studies conducted within this period focus on anti-corruption at the national level and mostly employ analytical and quantitative methods. However, the local level received scant attention, and qualitative methods were employed in a few studies. Also, even though a significant number of studies focus on anti-corruption at multiple levels, these are mostly either the global-national level or national-local level. None of the articles gathered for this review studies anti-corruption in a complete multi-level approach that explores the global-national-local level. Lastly, we found that most of the studies across the levels are shaped by the principal-agent perspective and indicate a predominance of the perspective within anti-corruption policy and practice across the world. Consequently, irrespective of the entity of focus (i.e., country or institution), method (quantitative, qualitative, analytical or experimental) or level of analysis (i.e., global, national, or local or multi-level), most of the studies attribute the ineffectiveness of anti-corruption interventions to the inability of ”principals” to be principled, and hence call for increased sanctioning, supervision, monitoring and political commitment towards combatting corruption. Thus, there is the need for more qualitative anti-corruption studies at the local level and alternative theoretical perspectives that go beyond the aforementioned established paradigms.

This book offers a cutting-edge, cross-disciplinary analysis of how the explosive spread of pornography contributes to violence against women, including prostitution, while presenting a political and legal theory on how to stop it effectively. It guides the reader through fifty years of significant empirical research on the harms, including a vast array of different studies illuminating pornography’s powerful impact on men, a majority of whom consume it. A comparative analysis of legal challenges in Canada, Sweden, and the United States demonstrates why civil rights, not criminal laws, can empower those hurt, subordinated, and exploited while efficiently dismantling the sex industry, consistent with free speech guarantees.